Saturday 30 November 2013

Selling Crows

Saba Khan is bold with colours and that is probably one of the reasons that we enjoyed her images the most. From "Good Times" where women we usually encounter in social pages of magazines barely seem to retain their feminine beauty but remind us much of transgenders we encountered in Bol, to the stark green parrots with bright red noses that are sitting in front of the Quran, her choice of colour is what makes her paintings appeal to the viewer immediately. On digging more into Saba Khan I found another painting that I would like to share.


Here too Saba Khan is bold. The painting above is called "Selling Crows"and reflects the condition of a working class person from our society. The upward direction of the cycle shows the desire of all people to move up the social class. This safaid posh man is one such member of society but is forced to do hard work evident through the colour of his dark hands. Yet even in his climb up the social ladder, there is a problem portrayed in the picture through the front tyre being stuck in what can be assumed as mud or dirt.
When we think of birds that people would want to buy as pets, we never think of crows. These creatures are always seen with contempt, straying around to find any food and definitely with a voice that is unpleasant for all listeners. Yet this man has chosen to sell crows of all other birds probably because he has no other viable profession left or because all the sweet singing birds are already in cages in elite households. Selling crows is therefore a disrespectful profession and it almost seems that the face of the man was intentionally cut off from the painting, a way for the man to hide his shame. The crows sitting at the back of his cage are not painted as black but trapped in a white cage; it is almost as if decolourizing them reduces the humiliation associated with selling them in the market.
 

The Secular Position


“It is therefore, a source of great virtue for the practiced mind to learn, bit by bit, first to change about in visible and transitory things, so that afterwards it may be able to leave them behind altogether. The person who finds his homeland sweet is a tender beginner; he to whom every soil is as his native one is already strong; but he is perfect to whom the entire world is as a foreign place. The tender soul has fixed his love on one spot in the world; the strong person has extended his love to all places; the perfect man has extinguished his”
–Hugo of St. Victor’s Didascalicon

Borrowing Hugo’s ideas of what it means to belong, and what strength becomes of an individual when a certain kind of association with a land is persisted –I feel like all of the Urdu literature we have read in this course somehow now aligns itself to the exilic ideas of Hugo.

Starting from the basic ideas of homelessness and dis/ (un)belonging, we can finally define what exilic means and who an exilic figure is. Sogandhi in Manto’s Hatak was perhaps an exilic figure to not only the offside of the brothel and her room but she was largely homeless outside her general space that consists of technology and a different class of people so that she eventually sees rejection. In Manto’s work, the prostitutes like Sultana and Sogandhi become outsiders when the space or location around them changes and an interaction with men, which otherwise should be fitting to their lives and their profession, is disengaging. By the latter I mean, the thorough assumed superiority men have adopted in this kind of discourse. What then does it mean to be homeless and secular? If men form the dominant national, and the superior ‘dominant’ national, does it leave women to become secular and weak? Does it make all kinds of women secular? I believe that this assumed power of the masculine in Urdu discourse, which of course is a pick off the culture of the subcontinent and perhaps more precisely, the Muslim man, secludes the woman enough to make her both a critic and a victim. Also, not all kinds of women become secular to the males. In Manto’s stories, the brothel men are embracing and effectuating some kind of peaceful, lucrative and caring existence for the prostitutes such as Ram Lal and Madho. Similarly, Veena Malik may be looked at from the same perspective. She is secular to religious, dogmatic , state aligned pockets of people in Pakistan, which is interestingly her won country. It is then difficult to separate religion and national because then her arguments in her defense also attack both. A religious man, a male TV anchor and a female artist were only apparently propagating debate that a woman’s izzat and state identity are synonymous. The ideas of synonymy of the woman with the state comes usually when the state tries to adopt in some way a sort of  protectionist, religious identity; at times, using the woman as both a propagator or as a reformist icon. Refer here to the music videos such as Jeevay Jeevay Pakistan and Sohni Dharti that promote the state narrative as well as pictures of small student girls in the national anthem video where the educated young girl is a sign of a state that’s trying to progress. Notice again, the Strings song ‘Main Tou Dekhoonga’ where the first entrant to their musical classroom is a girl and all other girls who also later become part of it are wearing their duppatas. This kind of portrayal of women across literary texts and videos goes to show how then the secular figures are being introduced into the national narrative to legitimize their narrative altogether as one which is wholesome.

Furthermore, the idea of izzat itself, originating from the sharif household, is problematic as then it imposes it as a virtue of the woman only. This association is not entirely fair to the freedom of women altogether and far worse, it relieves the masculine of any responsibility as far as the promotion and definition of  a certain identity goes. Ranging from Sabira in Intezar Hussain’s Basti who was criticized for the choices she made to the mother in Fehmida Riaz’s Godavari where a mere acceptance of her husband’s attitude leaves her displaced in her house. From the characters of Amina and Dadi, we debate if death is reserved for women only especially if it’s the byproduct of action/inaction on a man’s part. Then the homeless, exilic figure of the woman, as given by Garam Hawa, is the old widow or an unmarried Muslim woman who are secular to the choices of men.

However, figures such as Abba Jee in Basti and Saleem Mirza in Garam Hawa are largely homeless on the grounds that they chose a severe affinity with the land that they lived in. This goes back to the Hugo definition, where they then become perfect for considering anything beyond their homeland, foreign. Abba Jee found Roopnagar idyllic and was unable to both understand and collaborate in Pakistan while Saleem Mirza living India was secular to the national itself. It’d be safe to say that Saleem Mirza was largely secular in the Indian society; first, by default of being a Muslim, and then by virtue of not making a decision to move to Pakistan. In their perfection to not situate themselves mentally and physically to the place of their living they are imperfect in the society. Consequently they become secular. Intezar Hussain’s story Shehr e Afsos, aptly explains this idea of the exclusionary nature of land that even then nullifies our much believed version of ‘dharti’ and the nurturing, embracing homeland. In its entirety then, the land not only constitutes of the society but also makes up the culture which becomes the national that excludes minorities like Saleem Mirza, Abba Jee, Veena Malik, Sogandhi, Amina and Ma.

“Yeh sun kar hansi meri jati rahi aur main ney afsos kia aur kaha: ‘Ay buzurg! Kia tu ney dekha key jo log apni zameen se bichar jatey hain, phir koi zameen un ko qubool nahi karti?’
‘Main ney dekha aur yeh jana, key har zameen zalim hai’
‘Woh jo janam deti hai who bhi?’

‘Haan! Jo zameen janam deti hai woh bhi aur jo zameen dar ul amaan banti hai who bhi… aur har zameen zalim hai’ ”


Mirror Symbolism in Ali Azmat’s song Bam Phatta

I find the mirror imagery extremely interesting in Ali Azmat’s musical video entitled Bum Phatta. The video attempts to criticize the prevalent dominant attitude of the political establishment in Pakistan towards its people.  It accomplishes this by placing a group of seven men in different controller rooms and 2 individuals separately confined within funhouse mirror spaces. The men represent corrupt rulers or politicians and the two individuals represent the people of the state.
In this setting the mirror imagery deserves close scrutiny because it leads to a variety interpretations.  The purpose of mirror as an object is to reflect what it sees but in this video it is employed in an entirely different sense.
  • Mirrors verbalize a kind of violence that persists over generations. As the story line of the song unfolds a transition is taking place, the children in the confined spaces transform into older men. This enforces the idea that this coercive relationship between the rulers and the ruled is stagnant and persists across generations.
  • The awaam (represented by the two individuals) is wholly reliant on the whims of the political establishment. Throughout the song the men in the control rooms dangle various essential items such as roti, boti, book, a doll, a light bulb, a television screen and finally a sack of flour labeled mufta ata in front of the captives and as soon as they reach for these items they are pulled away.
  •  The tainted mirrors suggest a disturbing form of political indoctrination. The mirrors are visibly tainted by blood in the video, possibly by the same controllers in the video. So in reality what these people see is a distorted reality. The problem here lies in the fact that within these mirror spaces the individuals are forced to see themselves through the distorted lens as wholly dependent and reliant on the whims and the desires of the ruling establishment.  In some sense it alludes to a kind of political indoctrination that is taking place over the generations. The dangling of a red book stamped with the flag of Pakistan and smeared with blood on its pages also confirms this interpretation. The education in Pakistan government schools is state approved and is skewed in favour of the establishment (shown by blood on the inner pages).
  • The mirror imagery is also deeply imbedded in self reflection. Enslavement using confined tainted mirror spaces in some sense then also hints at our impaired ability of self-reflection. The use of mirrors as the source of subjection is telling because it suggests that the individuals and by extension the awaam is in some sense part responsible for its current predicament and oppression and in part due to the corrupt controllers of the state. This is confirmed by the ending scene where once the two captives are released they instead of thinking attack each other over the ‘muft ata’ instead of the controllers who are responsible for their condition.
In light of these various interpretations, the overall message of the video and the song seems to be that as long as this ability to self reflect is compromised the only life in store for them as the awam is that voiced by the song:

Here life is as fragile as a kite on a thread
Here is neither oil, nor sugar nor flour

A life that is wholly dependent on the whims of the controllers of the state and devoid of the basic necessities of life.


Caste difference: Homelessness of a common Pakistani

Up till now we have discussed specific kinds of homeless figures like Prostitutes,transgenders and women in general but what we skipped in the discussion was the homelessness of an average poor Pakistani who is deprived of his/her basic necessities and stuck in the cruel structure of class which does not easily allow going up in the order. An average man is always fed the doze to be a "Ghairatmand" Pakistani and that he should bear the difficulties with "Sabar". We see this type of attitude from the people as well, as we see in Shehzad Roy's video "Laga Reh", where the man says, "Sab kuch Allah pe chorh do". Although this attitude exists in the common, but they are forced to say this because of the repeated failures of government's promises about the change situation. A man who cannot afford to educate his children cannot even dream of moving up the order. Today it is education which can eradicate a person's poverty and give him a chance to move up the social ladder but even this is not available to the poor.


The other day, i came across this photo published in the Express Tribune. This is not a small town, this is the provincial and financial capital Lahore. Lahore, where the elite would spend countless on useless things but this boy would not even have access to basic education because he has to support his family.

One question which bugs my mind, Which one of these is a more secular figure, the boy or his parents?

Issues of Identity

Over the course of the semester we have discussed a lot about issues of identity and exile. While collecting data for our final project for this course which is a documentary pertaining to the Baluch people, the issues of identity and exile were themes which kept coming up again and again in the interviews of the Baluch nationals, that we conducted. Most of these people have spent at least three to four years studying or living in Punjab now. One thing which was very prominent was the fact that there are not only Baluchis living in Baluchistan i.e. the people who speak Baluchi language but there are people from other ethnicities as well like the Hazara and the Pashtuns. What we came to know about from some of the interviews from the Hazara community was the fact that they had migrated from Uzbekistan to Afghanistan and then from Afghanistan to Baluchistan in the 1880s and then during the Soviet war in the 1980s. Due to the recent sectarian and ethnic violence in Baluchistan a lot of these people have been forced to move to other places like Europe. What is noteworthy is the fact that these people are in constant exile. They cannot associate themselves to a single place because their language and traditions are very different from the place where they are geographically located. What moved me personally was the question that if a Hazara from Baluchistan who is living in Europe is confronted with the question as to who he is, what would his answer be. This raises a lot of questions as to how people identify themselves.

Hum dekhain gay

Jab zulm-o-sitam ke koh-e-garan
Rooi ki tarah ur jaenge
Hum mehkoomon ke paaon tale
Ye dharti dhar dhar dharkegi
Aur ahl-e-hakam ke sar oopar
Jab bijli kar kar karkegi


Above are some extracts taken from the poetry of Faiz Ahmed Faiz written in period of political unrest. The poet is promising the whole nation peace and justice through this poem. Faiz wrote this poem in 1979 to depict the cruel and corrupt Zia Ul Haq's dictatorship. It is important to note that this poem is work done in exile; Faiz was imprisoned for his outspoken stance at the political disruption in Pakistan. 

In my perspective these lines are extremely powerful. Faiz has used unconventional imagery to depict justice being done to the unjust politicians when he says that the 'dharti' these politicians own would turn against them and they would be sandwiched between the land and the lightening from the sky. The kind of punishments the poet imagines for them do not involve a second party (i.e the 'awaam') holding authority as to what should be done to them. Rather it is the very land and sky that would turn against them. The very same land and sky which they proudly own and control in name of a country. It is also to note that justice will only be brought if the 'dharti' pulsates loud and fast enough to scare these politicians. Giving 'dharti' humanistic qualities also expresses the love poet holds for his country. He values it like a living being.

We also see anger and rage expressed on behalf of the oppressed nation when Faiz uses 'lightening' in his imagination to destroy the tyrannies of dictators and dictatorship. 

Hence it can be concluded that this poem is written with emotional drives which heightened due to the feelings of exile, imprisonment and being punished for fighting for justice. 

Sunday 24 November 2013

Hum Dekhein gay

The overall feel of this Mili Naghma evokes a sense of hope which we have seen in the characters like Salim Mirza from Garam Hawa where solution to everything is directed towards Allah. Faiz Ahmed does the same thing in this Nazm when he remind us of the judgment day which is promised by Allah in Loh-e-Azl (Quran). He then connects this after life hope with corrupt rulers (Ahl-e-Hukm) and people (mehkoom). This kind of Mili Naghma sort of presupposes that people cannot change their situation in their life but in afterlife they will be sitting on Masnad and Ahl-e-Hukm will be suffering. This kind of poetry is in contrast with the current national narrative of songs like Ab Khud kuch kerna parray ga by Atif Aslam and Atrings where people are given control of their life instead of relying on any promised Justice in afterlife.

The amalgamation of religious and national sentiments is the focal point in the Nazm where religion and national has been related in such a way that they seem one entity instead of religion being just one of other components of nation. For instance this passage:

Jab arz-e-khuda ke kaa’ba se
Sab butt uthai jaingay
Hum ahl-e-safa mardood-e-hiram
Masnad pe bithaye jaingay
Sab taaj uchalay jaingay
Sab takht giraye jaingay
Hum bhi dekhengay


Faiz use the word Ahl-e-Safa mardood-e-hiram which denotes Mulsim identity and then in the next lines he talks about overthrowing corrupt rulers of this time. This passage is in reference to the event when Prophet Abraham pillaged idols and he is also associated with the construction of Kaa’ba. The narrative of the nazm compares this victory of Abraham over idolaters with ordinary peoples over their current rulers. In Nutshell this mili naghma portrays religious and national identity as the same thing which has been seen in other older songs and videos.     

On the motherland

The female singer in Sohni Dharti and Jeevay Jeevay represented the nation’s own appropriation of the concept of a motherland, in the same way as the subcontinent would see a “Mother India”. To have these very nationalistic songs sung by women is to appeal to the idea of the nation as first and foremost a “mother”land, not just your place of birth but the home that gives you your identity. It is meant to evoke a certain kind of sentiment for one’s homeland, that of the bond between a mother and her offspring- unconditional and everlasting. However, though both songs appeal to national solidarity, Jeevay Jeevay and Sohni Dharti were released at different times in very different contexts. Jeevay Jeevay makes direct appeals to the preservation of a unified nationhood whereas Soni Dharti focuses more on the land and its endless bounty. Both however, reiterate the point that we must view our homeland as God’s gift for which we must always be thankful; in the same way that the child is eternally grateful to the mother for gifting him with life. Jeevay Jeevay was released for the specific purpose of calling for the integration of east and west Pakistan. Its lyrics appeal for a unity and solidarity among all Pakistanis: “Bikhray Howoon Ko Bichray Howoon Ko, Ik Markaz Pay Laya.” Soni Dharti, on the other hand never mentions the name of Pakistan which is why it is different from other nationalist songs such as Dil Dil Pakistan. Soni Dharti is written almost as a prayer or a song of praise, which sung by a female singer, renders it with hymn-like qualities.

'Laga Reh' and 'Allergic to Bullshit'

Ironically, the dialogues included in Shehzad Roy's song 'Laga Reh' like "In ko mat jagaao yeh kisi zaruri kaam se so rahe hain" or "Mujhe fikar yeh nahi hai ke mulk kaise chalega, mujhe fikar yeh hai ke kahin aise hi na chalta rahe' were first used in his song 'Bullshit' for the bollywood movie 'Katta meetha'. The movie highlights the same problems faced by Pakistan today such as corruption. The song went quite viral it was released. The main reason were these lines which highlight the common problems of the people of Pakistan and India

From the idea of Perfect Nation to the need for Reforms

After watching the patriotic songs from the 60's it is pretty clear that the states wants to insert an idea of blind faith in the nation which clearly overlooks many problems which the country faced at the time. These patriotic songs from the only television in the country on-aired songs which gave people a false sense of unity. The people of West Pakistan enjoyed prosperity where as the the East Pakistanis suffered. This hid the ultimate result of the prevailing situation.
In contrast, the songs from the post twentieth century stress on the need for reforms and highlight the loopholes in the system. This is mainly due to the freedom of media in the Musharraf regime. The state no longer controls what the people see.

Hum Zinda Qaum Hain (1973)

Some observations regarding the song:

There is the mention of a singular “Kalma” that everyone believes in.
“hai kalma bhi wahid”
This is problematic for any faction or individual who has, had, a dissenting view. Also, there isn't much emphasis on anyone out of the periphery of the kalma.

Then there is also the reference to the controversial personality of Muhammad Bin Qasim:
“Islam ke lashkar mein hain Qasim se farzand “
Just like ‘caravan’ in Dil Dil Pakistan, this song uses the word ‘lashkar’. The Muslim affiliation to this word is more explicitly mentioned in Hum Zinda Qaum Hain and also in a more exclusionary sense. Hence, here the nation is equated with Muslim.Atleast, Dil Dil Pakistan does not use the word caravan with the idea of an Islamic one.

A lot of the content in this song is similar to the one we saw in Pakistan’s national anthem. The song paints a rosy future for the people belonging to the industrial and the agricultural base.


The video features all youngsters; two men and four women. It is interesting to note the difference in movement in the two genders. All women have their arms straight down, with one hand gripping the other in the front. On the other hand, the men are moving their bodies and arms to the tune instead of fixing them like the women. 

Saturday 23 November 2013

National narrative today

We've discussed in class how Dil Dil Pakistan was instrumental in helping form a Pakistani national narrative. 'Aesi zameen aur asmaan, in kay siwa jana kahan' - such lyrics point towards something greater than ourselves, an identity, a story that all of us can relate to. Songs that are so stirring to convince the listener to leave everything and pick up arms at the Wagha border. Such songs are important because they are relevant even today. They define the dominant cultural narrative against which future aesthetic forms will be judged. 

Shehzad Roy's 'Laga Re' points to something extremely problematic for the contemporary Pakistani state. Our national narrative has become inconsistent, dormant, stationary. The lyrics of the song are  

'Aas baandh kar tu khaRa hai, tas say mas nahi hota
Tu hai aik aam aadmi, aray bus, ab nahi hota

[Siyaasi Kaarkun / Ali Azmat: Tou kia karun? Himmat haar doon?

SR: Nahi. Laga reh.]


And then the song goes of into a chorus of 'Laga re, khara re and para re'. I think that for every line of this chorus his intended audience is different. The stubborn politician should keep on preaching, the poor should continue lying helplessly on the streets and the literate should keep on cheering the status quo mindlessly. Shehzad Roy's criticism, I believe rests solely on a very important point that the status quo will endure no matter what with the consequence of a decaying national narrative. 

Bum Phatta and the Post 9/11 Discourse

The musical video of Ali Azmat’s Bum Phatta represents a popular discourse which attracted the attention of masses in Pakistan after 9/11. The proponents of this discourse treat the West as “nucleus of all evils” and national governments as corrupt troupes of politicians. The eventual remedy, for this discourse, is a revolution.
The ingredients of this thought appear at different intervals in the music video of “Bum Phatta”. Bum, or bomb, symbolizes the miseries and problems faced by the Pakistani people. The person at the center stage (Ali Azmat) is dressed as Uncle Sam and he holds an American missile throughout the video. The post 9/11 period and Pakistan’s alliance with the U.S. for the war on terror changed the dynamics of the region and thus this portrayal of United States in the video is essentially a reaction. The music video also shows military helicopters in the background at two intervals [Image-1], pointing towards the military operations against the Taliban. Therefore, I see this video endorsing the same mainstream thinking which blames the US and its war on terror for all the issues in Pakistan.     
Criticizing establishment and politicians, Ali Azmat has used the typical approach of blaming them for each and every problem, primarily their incapacity to provide the public with basic necessities like food, water and electricity. However, the music video uses an interesting style of capturing this issue. It shows these public provisions hanging through a wire which is controlled by a controller in a closed room. People try to catch them but fail in despair when the controller draws them back as soon as people try to catch them. The transition has been shown through kids and young people, struggling to get a doll and electricity/food, respectively. The whole process is similar to a game played at festivals where kids get sweets and toys, placed inside a closed jar, through a hanger whose control is in their hands. Ironically, the controller has been snatched from their hands by the politicians [Image-3].

Lastly, the video indicates the march towards bloody revolution where people first fight among themselves for food and then a revolutionary agent like Che Guevara appears who kills the guy controlling all the public provisions which symbolized the overthrow of the establishment. The video presents the similar situation through which Che brought the revolution in Cuba, overthrowing US-backed Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista [Image-2]

                                       

For those curious about the blondie in "Laga Reh"



One of the questions raised in class was the purpose of the ‘blondie’ in the song “Laga Reh” and on looking closely at the video, one realizes that her presence in some of the scenes convey a greater meaning. The first scene where we see her is on stage in a large public space and the group is singing in front of a massive crowd. The singers are then forced to leave the stage as the politician has to come and address the masses. The second time we see her is in the bus during the lyrics “Buzurgon ney mujh sey poocha, “Mulk kaisey yeh chaley ga? She is furiously playing her drums in a much smaller space with a much smaller and less enthusiastic audience. The last time we see her is on an empty road that held demonstrations and riots of the masses. The place is in tatters and there is debris on the road with absolutely no audience.

The point of charting her progression in the story is to show the restriction on the creative expression created by the situations in the country. Initially, the politician drives the singers away from stage to use it for his own purpose; this leads to a movement from the stage to the bus. Later, due to unfavourable law and order situations in the country, these artists are confined to a single empty road. We see the lead singer running away from the scene as soon as he sees the suited foreigner showing again that the threat of the foreigner and his power put a complete stop to the creative expression of the artists. These are all external agents that affect the singer, his band members and the space allowed to them to express themselves. Curtailing their freedom is evident not only through the dwindling space allowed to them but also through the reduction in the audience they have. Thus, the while the song critiques some pressing issues of society, it visually points out the limitations faced by singers or creative artists in pursuing their expression.

From the 70's to the Present Day Pakistan

'Mēñ tō dēkhūngā' by Strings is a reflection of the contemporary public opinion that prevails in the Pakistani society. The lyrics 'ēk parcham mēñ ghul jāyēngē' reflects the fact that there has been a change in the ethnic and social dynamics of the society. Whereas in the 70's we see that there was no mention of minorities in 'Jīvē Jīvē Pākistān' and 'Sōhni Dhartī', as a direct contrast to this, in 'Mēñ tō dēkhūngā' we witness the fact that it calls for ethnic harmony and to bring marginalized minorities in the mainstream. This call for harmony is because of the fact that a certain brand of Sunni Islam was propagated by the Zia regime as a result of which seeds of intolerance were sown in the society.
'Bachē mulk pē rāj karēñ aur schūl mēñ bethē hoñ siyāsatdān.' This line resonates with the story in 'Tōbā Tēk Singh' in which the mad men are actually saner than the politicians. Similarly it is implied here that the children, since they are innocent, might actually be able to govern better than our politicians.


Mein Tou Dekhoon Ga


“Mein Tou Dekhoon Ga” begins with the singers and the children collecting in a barren place. This land is devoid of any markers of identity. It is thus a place of possibility, where these people can create a better place to live. The video has a lot of mobility as they move across the stream and by the end of the video end up in a meadow full of flowers. Thus the promise “Mein tou dekhoon ga, Tum bhi dekho gay” is to a certain degree full filled. The children at the end hold up takhtis with pictures of butterflies and flowers. This signifies that it is through these children that a change has taken place. The class at numerous points discussed how these singers’ portray themselves as the beacon of hope. I disagree, the song asserts the hope that whatever change comes about will be seen by all and will not benefit a certain class, religion or ethnicity. It says “I will see, and you will see” a better country and never “I shall show you” a better Pakistan. 

Mein tou dekhoonga (I will see)

There is an element of faith in the very title of the song. It is hope translated into faith. At the start of the video, Bilal and Faisal appear weary but restless with the setting of the sun. A child approaches them and they cheer up. Pretty soon, they are crowded with children. In one of the scenes when the two are sitting in a boat, they look away from the setting sun with wistful eyes, seeking a new dawn. The backdrop is barren, the present is bleak, but the camera shifts and suddenly the world is new and fresh, with fields of green. This is the future, a depiction of the world of children, which is bright and prosperous. The two singers tell the children that all hope is not lost, though they are tired themselves. The music video is meant to motivate, but, surprisingly, is free of most self-delusions found in that category of music. The lyrics are strong and improbable, some may claim, but the video demonstrates a subtlety of emotions, at once encouraging and sad. The message is this: we have to believe in something to make it happen, however improbable it may sound or the case may be. 

Laga Reh

Shehzad Roy’s song “Laga Reh” deals with the inability of the people of Pakistan to correct their situation and how they have been unable to deal with their problems. The starting of the video has the singer (dressed as a newscaster) saying " Main jab dus saal ka tha tto maine 9 O'Clock news pe suna ki Pakistan taareekh kay ek naazuk mod se guzar raha hai. He again reiterates this point by saying HeHjdkfd;fk"Main phir 20 saal ka hua, maine phir 9 O'Clock news pe suna ki Pakistan taareekh ke ek naazuk mod say guzar raha hai." This stagnation of Pakistan and its people is portrayed by the “buzurgh” who dresses in a Quaid-e-Azam sherwaani, alluding towards their inability to leave the past. These people who were responsible for making something out of Pakistan have failed, leaving everything upon God, but still question the youth about the betterment of the country and in doing so diverting all responsibility upon them.

 


Feathers in the Wind

There are lots of points that I would like to make so I'm not going to label this as one homogenous post.

1. In the PTV video of the national anthem what surprises me is that though "Allah" is thrust upon us and the Quran appears at the word "Nizaam" towards the end the deliberate showing of the Badshahi Mosque right before the zooming in of the Minar-e-Pakistan seems to imply that nationhood is more important/ imperative for being a devout Muslim. In this video, religion is an augmentation of success not a prerequisite as one would like to believe.

2.  The Strings song "Mein tou dekhoonga" and Shehzad Roy's "Laga Re" both promote the idea of comically foolish "qaum" while the singers themselves are beacons of hope and intellect. While this may not be inherently problematic, artists shown as the harbingers of change would work if the general public is not made fun of which I find slightly insulting.

3. We discussed Indian patriotic songs and how it would be interesting to contrast them to Pakistani songs. I'm posting a link to the depiction of Vande Matram in Kabhi Khushi Kabhi Gham. I think it makes for a very interesting comparison to Dil Dil Pakistan where the foreign is so instilled that it seems natural to wear suits, hold guitars and play Casio pianos while in Vande Matram, Hrithik Roshan is shown as 'conquering' the west and owning the streets with beautiful white chicks (idea of women as national markers?) decked out in Indian clothes and colors of the national flag. Very clearly shows the mentalities of the two ridiculously similar nations.

http://www.dailymotion.com/video/xho1e_vande-mataram_music
If we look at the transition of these Pakistani nationalistic music, we can feel what the actual masses are feeling at these moments. Soni dharti  and jeevay jeevay are from very long ago - a different era all together.  There was hope for the common man (“qadam qadam aabaad”), there was pride in the land(“ Soni dharti”) and there was a sense of unity, of nationhood(“ jeevay jeevay jeevay Pakistan”).  In opposition to these very uplifting, very optimistic and rejuvenating songs, the songs that we saw by Shehzad roy and Ali azmat (laga re and bomb phatta) are both very different. From their lyrics to their imagery and their message, we see the opposite of the hope and optimism in the earlier songs. There is no longer a single woman in the video singing about freedom and representing the motherhood of the nation, or the children as the hope of the future. Instead there is chaos and destruction; there is a divide between who is ruling and who is being ruled. In bomb phatta the politicians have been painted as huge beast-like figures as opposed to the midgets in the awaam almost as if they’re the reason that the people of the masses are so stunted since they’ve trampled all over them. There is no actual bomb blast in the video of bomb phatta but it refers to some kind of terrorist activity and through the video it seems as if the actual terrorist activities are being carried out by those who promise to protect us- the leaders themselves. In Laga re the politicians come across as mere entertainers who are just good at keeping up a façade, they are shown as people who are working with their own agenda - (“inkou mat jagao, yeh zaroori kaam say sou rhi hai”).  The “laga- re” also comes across with a very pessimistic undertone almost as if shehzad roy is making fun of the masses. In these later videos the picture that they paint of Pakistan is as if they’re trying to show how self-destructive we are. By bringing these harsh realities to light are they trying to move the people into taking some action – “is qaum ko jaganay ka waqt agya hai”.

"Jeevay jeevay", "Sohni Dharti" and "Dil dil Pakistan"



The lyrics of the three songs “Sohni Dharti”, “Jeevay Jeevay Pakistan” and “Dil dil Pakistan”, at the time of their release, were reflective of the broader socio-political situation in Pakistan and the surrounding region. Both, “Sohni Dhari” and “Jeevai Jeevai” were released in the 70s, soon after Pakistan had faced two major wars with its neighbor and had lost its eastern wing. Both these songs thus, impart the message of solidarity, unity and patriotism. In “Jeevay jeevay Pakistan”, the lyricist refers to the partition and reminds the listener of the sacrifices made in the name of this country when he writes, “bikhray howoon ko bichray howoon ko , ik markaz pay laya”. By doing so, the lyricist tries to answer the long standing question of the purpose of Pakistan and of whether India should have been partitioned at all. 

 “Sohni Dharti” was written in a similar vein, the lyrics reading as a prayer for the nation. The lines “jab tuk hai yeh dunya baaqi hum dakhain aazaad tujhay, sohni darti Allah rakhay qadam qadam aabaad tujhay” are a reaction to not only the wars with India that Pakistan had just gone through but also to the existential crises Pakistan faced immediately after partition, a crises which it had not completely put behind itself. The line “tera har ik zarrah hum ko apni jaan se pyara” tries to inculcate the idea of sacrifice of the individual for the good of the nation in the listener, an idea which was very pertinent during that time.

In contrast to both of these songs, “Dil dil Pakistan” was released after a period of relative peace in the region and its lyrics are reflective of that. This song, released in 1989, during the early stages of the global revolution which had brought a new wave of globalization to Pakistan’s shores, featured 4 young men dressed in western clothes, playing western musical instruments, making music heavily influenced by western pop.