National songs like ‘Sohni Dharti Allah Rakhey’ and ‘Jeevay
Jeevay’ have been sung and heard by us for as long as I can remember.
Independence Day fervor grants the media liberty to play and replay these songs
as they aim to emotionally awaken and revive feelings of patriotism. The eight am
telecast from Islamabad on 14th August
particularly, has forever shown state school students sing ‘Milli nagme’ such
as these to celebrate independence. Then, the irony lies in just the words
‘celebration’ and ‘independence’ as we deconstruct the state narrative altogether
against the time that these songs were released in, versus their inspiration
and relevance to today’s ‘Halaat’. Also, when we compare them to the
patriotic songs sung by private artists, we see a deliberate absence of
responsibility. Rather, the responsibility is sometimes misplaced - the
agendas, grievances, inspirations and even the audiences addressed differ
starkly. Not only do we see a problem with the positive attitude in the state
songs but the motivation to correct and transform is thrown towards everyone
but the state itself: God, or the ‘awam’. This doesn't automatically
mean that the later songs such as ‘Laga Reh’ by Shehzad Roy or ‘Main
Tou Dekhoonga’ by Strings are perfectly capable of describing the problems,
recognizing the blame and stirring national sentiment. Is there a call to
action? Are all of them just as effective in their own way? What are we missing
in both? How does the public and private music industry describe the dominant
national?
1
Sohni Dharti Allah Rakhey
Sohni dharti Allah rakhey
qadam qadam abad
Qadam qadam abad tujhey,
qadam qadam abad
Tera har aik zarra hum ko
apni jaan sey pyara
Teray dam sey shaan hamari,
tujh sey naam hamara
Jab tak hai dunya baqi, hum
dekhien azad
Hum dekhien azad tujhey
The most powerful thing about this song is the constant prayer to
God to keep the state alive ‘abad’ and independent ‘azad’.
We have seen this constant reference to ‘Allah’ and how everything sees
the best when left to God’s will; it’s almost always like we don’t place our belief
in God, rather we place the entire responsibility of our situation on God.
Later, in Shehzad Roy’s song ‘Laga Reh’, this idea has been
reiterated where the video shows the politician say ‘Sab kuch Allah peh chor
do’ and he mocks them saying ‘Kuch na kar, kuch na kar tu, sab kuch
Allah peh chor dey, Allah hi tera hafiz hai’. In the video, it’s remarkable
when the ‘Buzurg’ in a black sherwani says this and the camera
immediately takes an aerial view as the crowd looks up and stares at the sky as
if a solution will descend from above. This resolution in God especially to rid
ourselves of our responsibility and laziness is one of the most destructive
habits of the population. Does the state narrative then align itself to this
lazy, misplaced idea of Godly help when it says ‘Allah rakhey abad’? I
feel that it is a more of a convenient and diplomatic narrative than a wholly
religious one.
Also notice that the pronoun here is ‘hum’, almost as
if it’s an emotion on behalf of the people. ‘Tera har aik zarra hum ko apni
jaan sey pyara/ Teray dam sey shan hamari/ Tujh sey naam hamara’. This
association of people’s identity with the state’s is not only remarkable
because it’s very inclusive and inspiring but also because it allows the state
to demand due loyalty of its people. However, this line ‘Jab tak hai dunya
baqi, hum dekhien azad/ Hum dekhien azad tujhey’ is a queer prayer. It
points to uncertainty of independence altogether and a threat on the side. It’s
interesting as only a few years later we see the Bengal partition and this then
defines the ‘tujhey’, the present day Pakistan. Words such as ‘hum’,
‘tujhey’, ‘tera’ and ‘apni jaan’ succeed in
presenting a strong relationship between citizens and the state. The national’s
(The state) own narrative then is very embracing and inclusive but at the same
time, it’s demanding and relies on prayer and God –when we talk of
responsibility on matters such as ‘Abad’
and ‘Azad’, it’s slightly problematic.
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